Обсуждение:Аль-Акса
Encyclopaedia of Islam, THREE
| Мечеть Аль-Акья (аль-Масджид аль-Акья) относится конкретно к большой мечети на юго-западном углу аль-Шарам аль-Шарифа в Иерусалиме, но это имя также используется для всей религиозной составляющей, включая Купол Скалы , Акья — превосходная форма арабского прилагательного qaṣī, что означает «далеко» или «далека», следовательно, перевод названия «самой далекой мечетью».
Обозначение «аль-Акья» происходит от Корана 17: 1: "Прославлял себя Тот, кто ночью несла Своего слугу из священного места молитвы (аль-маджид аль-Шарам) в самое далекое место молитвы (аль-масид аль -aqṣā) «. Первоначальное значение термина» самая далекая мечеть "является предметом продолжающихся научных дискуссий. Возможно, он ссылался на место около Мекки или, по мнению некоторых ученых, на место на небесах. Уже в первом столетии ислама обозначение «аль-Акна» стало отождествляться с Иерусалимом. По политическим соображениям Омейяды (р. 41-132 / 661—750) подчеркивали известность Иерусалима, в отличие от Мекки и Медины, но эта полемика позже потеряла значение. Тем не менее Иерусалим и тем самым аль-Акья сохранили свое религиозное значение как «первое направление молитвы ислама и его третий святой религиозный состав» (ūlā al-qiblatayn, thālith al-ḥaramayn). Все авторитетные комментаторы Корана из аль-Шабари (д. 310/922) впоследствии идентифицировали аль-Акну, расположенную в Иерусалиме.
Систематическое долгосрочное изучение функционеров, связанных с мечети — имамами, хашибами и учителями, — и поддержкой вакфов (благотворительных фондов), которые все ещё ждут. Оттоманский путешественник Евлия Челеби, посетивший Иерусалим в 1058-60 / 1648-50 гг., Говорит о восьмисот «слугах», включая имамов и проповедников, принадлежащих к четырём мадхахибам, читателям Корана, муаддхинам и попечителям, которые, как утверждается, получали от султана кошелек, но трудно сказать, сколько из них принадлежало самой мечети Аль-Акья. Написав в двенадцатом / восемнадцатом веке, аль-Кудси, член местной семьи аль-Шусайни, также идентифицирует несколько должностей, специально связанных с аль-Аккой. 2. Аль-Акья с двадцатого века и далее С переходом от Османской империи к британскому правлению после Первой мировой войны и создания еврейского национального дома в Палестине (третий) Палестинский национальный конгресс 1920 года принял в качестве одного из своих лозунгов «Защитить мечеть Аль-Акья». В соответствии с Британским мандатом Верховный мусульманский совет и его президент аль-Шаджи Амин аль-Шусайни ещё больше укрепили статус Иерусалима и самого аль-Акы. Совет осуществлял надзор за реставрациями, хотя главным образом Купол Скалы, финансируемый за счет средств, полученных в других арабских и мусульманских странах. Исламский музей, в котором размещены артефакты из более ранних реставраций, был построен рядом с мечети, а библиотека аль-Акья была добавлена на ближайший участок. После беспорядков 1929 года и назначения в 1930 году Международной комиссии по стенам плача, в 1931 году в Иерусалиме состоялся Общий мусульманский конгресс и принял решение использовать оставшиеся средства, которые были собраны для реставраций, для создания университета аль-Акья, но проект не оправдался. Иорданские правители проявили особый интерес к Шарам-эш-Шарифу, начиная с вклада в реставрации 1920-1-х годов, и их интерес был ещё более выражен в последующие годы. В годы с 1948 по 1967 год Иордания приняла законодательство и учредила специальный комитет для надзора за реконструкцией в Аль-Акья. Царь Абдаллах, который правил британским мандатом и являлся королем после независимости Иордании в 1946 году, был убит, поднявшись по ступеням аль-Акы на пятничные полдень (20 июля 1951 года), и это событие, возможно, сыграло роль в особых отношениях, что его внук король Ḥusayn b. Шалал (1952—1999) почувствовал это место. Особая связь с храмом, среди прочего, также символизируется именем, выбранным для официального журнала Иорданской армии, который называется аль-Акья. Египет и Саудовская Аравия также пожертвования часто подчеркивали свою преданность аль-Акджа.
3. Аль-Акна в коллективной памяти и политическом дискурсе Ссылка на аль-Акю в визуальных представлениях часто смешивается с визуально более эффектным куполом скалы, который часто служит символом мечеть, как видно из почтовых марок, плакатов, граффити и настенных росписей, а также логотипов организаций, средств массовой информации и коммерческих предприятий. Широкое использование этого визуального референта появляется в Палестине и во всем мусульманском мире в целом. Аль-Акья стал выдающимся националистическим палестинским символом, имеющим эмоциональное значение для всех палестинцев, как христиан, так и мусульман. Между тем, ссылка на еврейскую историю сайта, упомянутую в литературе faḍā'il al-Quds, исчезла из самых современных арабских изображений сайта или вообще лишена права.
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Al-Aqṣā Mosque (al-Masjid al-Aqṣā) refers specifically to the large mosque on the southwestern corner of al-Ḥaram al-Sharīf in Jerusalem, but the name is also used for the entire religious compound, including the Dome of the Rock. Aqṣā is the superlative form of the Arabic adjective qaṣī, meaning «far» or "distant, " hence the translation of the name as «the most distant mosque.»
1. Al-Aqṣā in the Qurʾān, ḥadīth, sīra, and tafsīr The designation «al-Aqṣā» derives from Qurʾān 17:1: «Glorified be He who carried His servant by night from the sacred place of prayer (al-masjid al-ḥarām) to the most distant place of prayer (al-masjid al-aqṣā).» The original meaning of the term «the most distant mosque» is the subject of an ongoing scholarly debate. It may have referred to a place near Mecca, or, according to some scholars, to a place in heaven. Already in the first century of Islam, the designation «al-Aqṣā» had become identified with Jerusalem. For political reasons the Umayyads (r. 41-132/661-750) emphasised the prominence of Jerusalem, as opposed to Mecca and Medina, but this polemic later lost importance. Nevertheless Jerusalem—and thereby al-Aqṣā—retained their religious significance as Islam’s «first direction of prayer and its third holiest religious compound» (ūlā al-qiblatayn, thālith al-ḥaramayn). All authoritative Qurʾān commentators from al-Ṭabarī (d. 310/922) onwards have identified al-Aqṣā as located in Jerusalem. The gradual process of the sanctification of Jerusalem, from the fifth/eleventh century onwards, led to a literary genre called faḍāʾil al-Quds («In praise of Jerusalem»), highlighting Jerusalem’s particular spiritual position and extolling the power of prayers said there. Al-Aqṣā naturally takes a prominent place in this genre. The faḍāʾil literature has proven to be of great value for critical historical reconstruction, as it references the earliest of the ḥadīths and the sīra literature (biographies of the Prophet). Andreas Kaplony, who investigated shared Jewish, Christian, and Muslim perceptions of the Ḥaram al-Sharīf, identified two Muslim conceptual innovations: the first in a «new architectural landscape» and the mosque’s clear orientation towards Mecca, which took place under the Marwānid line of the Umayyads, and the second connected to the rebuilding and embellishment undertaken by the late Fāṭimids, whose era marked the time from which the mosque was definitely called al-Aqṣā. Because continuous Muslim historical records are lacking, al-Aqṣā's physical evolution must be reconstructed from divergent sources. Over time the edifice has undergone much rebuilding—expansions as well as reductions—and constant restoration and redecoration. The specifics of the changes to the structure have not always been recorded, except in the case of repairs necessitated by repeated earthquakes, which were often noted in the sources. There is a great deal of scholarly debate on the subject of the antecedents of the present structure, which replaced the earliest prayer venues on that site. The earliest Muslim mention of a larger mosque resembling today’s structure dates from the mid-fourth/tenth century. Le Strange’s compendium of Arab geographers and chroniclers of Palestine, first published in 1890, is still a helpful guide, with its first-hand descriptions covering a period of seven centuries. These accounts, however, differ in depth and detail. One prominent description is that of Nāṣir-i Khusraw, the noted Persian traveller, who in 438-9/1047 made elaborate notes on the dimensions of al-Aqṣā Mosque; the large size of the mosque that he recorded was, however, reduced under the Crusaders. A later important source is the local chronicler Mujīr al-Dīn al-ʿUlaymī, writing in about 901/1496, whose description matches today’s al-Aqṣā. As an interesting aside, it should be noted that he uses the term jāmiʿ for the mosque building, thus subtly distinguishing this structure from the wider meaning contained in the term masjid. Archaeological and epigraphic material as well as studies in art history must also be drawn upon in order to understand the evolution of al-Aqṣā Mosque. Van Berchem’s epigraphic survey, slightly updated by Walls and Abul-Hajj, is still paramount. Grabar, moreover, paid much attention to artisanship and building materials, noting that some materials appear to have been brought in from neighbouring regions (Grabar, The shape of the holy, 118-20, 122). In the present stage of research it is not possible to bring textual and material sources into complete agreement, but it can nevertheless be said that the present-day al-Aqṣā structure by and large dates from the sixth/twelfth and seventh/thirteenth centuries. Though some Gothic elements may be recognised, no particular architectural or aesthetic style dominates. In fact, the decorations, the stucco, and the timberwork, as well as the windows in the upper gallery, reflect the many different periods during which architects and artisans contributed to the embellishment of the mosque. A systematic long-term study of functionaries attached to the mosque—the imāms, khaṭībs, and teachers—and of the waqfs (charitable endowments) supporting it is still awaited. The Ottoman traveller Evliyā Çelebi, who visited Jerusalem in 1058-60/1648-50, speaks of eight hundred "servants, " including imāms and preachers belonging to the four madhāhib, Qurʾān readers, muʾadhdhins, and guardians, all allegedly salaried from the sultan’s purse, but it is difficult to say how many belonged to al-Aqṣā Mosque proper. Writing in the twelfth/eighteenth century, al-Qudsī, a member of the local al-Ḥusaynī family, also identifies several positions specifically attached to al-Aqṣā. 2. Al-Aqṣā from the twentieth century onwards With the transition from Ottoman to British rule in the wake of World War I and the establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestine, the (third) Palestinian National Congress of 1920 adopted as one of its slogans «Protect the al-Aqṣā Mosque.» Under the British Mandate, the Supreme Muslim Council and its president al-Ḥājj Amīn al-Ḥusaynī further bolstered the status of Jerusalem and of al-Aqṣā itself. The Council oversaw restorations, albeit mainly of the Dome of the Rock, financed with funds raised in other Arab and Muslim countries. The Islamic Museum, which houses artifacts from earlier restorations, was built adjacent to the mosque and the al-Aqṣā Library was added at a nearby site. Following the 1929 disturbances and the appointment in 1930 of the International Commission for the Wailing Wall, a General Muslim Congress convened in Jerusalem in 1931 and took the decision to use the remaining funds that had been collected for restorations to establish an al-Aqṣā university, but the project did not materialise. Jordanian rulers have taken a special interest in the Ḥaram al-Sharīf, beginning with a contribution to the restorations of 1920-1, and their interest was to become even more pronounced in the years following. In the years from 1948 to 1967 Jordan passed legislation and established a special committee to oversee renovations at al-Aqṣā. King ʿAbdallāh, who had ruled Trans-jordan as amīr during the British Mandate and as king after Jordan’s independence in 1946, was assassinated while ascending the steps of al-Aqṣā for Friday noon prayers (20 July 1951), and that event may have played a role in the special relationship that his grandson King Ḥusayn b. Ṭalāl (r. 1952-99) felt towards the place. The special bond with the shrine is, inter alia, also symbolised by the name chosen for the Jordanian army’s official journal, which is called al-Aqṣā. Egypt and Saudi Arabia, too, through donations, have often underlined their allegiance to al-Aqṣā. After the 1967 war, when Israeli rule was established in East Jerusalem, Muslim concern for the security of al-Aqṣā intensified throughout the world. On 21 August 1969 a Christian fundamentalist zealot from Australia named Dennis Michael Rohan set fire to al-Aqṣā Mosque, causing extensive damage to the building as well as to its furnishings and decorations. The unique wooden minbar, said to have been made in Aleppo by order of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn (d. 589/1193), was lost in the fire. The event led to an international outcry, including a condemnation issued by the United Nations, heightening Muslim apprehensions that Islam’s third holiest place was in danger. Out of this concern the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (Munaẓẓamat al-Muʾtamar al-Islāmī) was founded in Rabat in 1969. In the following decades, damage to the woodwork, the paintings, and the high mosaic windows was repaired. The wooden inner dome of the mosque was carefully reconstructed and the exterior was covered with silver-coloured aluminium, replacing the ribbed lead sheeting that had covered it before. This restoration was financed largely by Jordan, which continued to take special responsibility for the site. Actual protection and much of the maintenance was executed by the local waqf administration, reflecting a tenuous de-facto symbiosis between Israel and Jordan, and after 1993, also with the Palestinian Authority. The al-Aqṣā Mosque and its esplanade have seen a number of incidents, including the April 1981 shooting carried out by Alan Goodman, a United States-born Israeli citizen, an event that sparked a riot, leaving four dead and eleven wounded. Muslim demonstrations and clashes with Israeli troops occurred sporadically. Small Jewish groups occasionally issue claims to ownership of the area as the site of the Jewish Temple, with their efforts aimed at establishing prayer rights and possibly clearing the way for the construction of a synagogue or ultimately even the rebuilding of the Temple. These groups paid occasional provocative visits to what they see as the Temple Mount. Israeli excavations around the walls and in adjacent ancient underground tunnels have equally aroused Muslim anger. From the end of the 1990s, a rising Islamic movement of Palestinian Arabs within Israel repeatedly declared that «al-Aqṣā is in danger» and mass demonstrations were held to publicise these views. This movement subsequently organised a campaign to restore the lower al-Aqṣā space, which is sometimes referred to as the «old al-Aqṣā,» in Arabic usually termed al-muṣallā al-Marwānī (that is, a prayer place associated with Marwān b. al-Walīd, r. 64-5/683-5), or "Solomon’s stables, " a designation used mainly in Jewish parlance. Muslim construction activities led to Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon’s controversial visit on 28 September 2000, which sparked the second intifāḍa, hence its name, intifāḍat al-Aqṣā, and related terms such as the al-Aqṣā Martyrs Brigade and others. 3. Al-Aqṣā in collective memory and political discourse Reference to al-Aqṣā in visual representations is frequently confounded with the visually more spectacular Dome of the Rock, which often serves as the symbol for the mosque, as is evident from postage stamps, posters, graffiti, and wall paintings, as well as logos of organisations, media, and commercial enterprises. Widespread use of this visual referent appears in Palestine and throughout the Muslim world at large. Al-Aqṣā has become a preeminent nationalist Palestinian symbol, with emotional significance for all Palestinians, Christian and Muslim alike. Meanwhile, reference to a Jewish history of the site, mentioned in the faḍāʾil al-Quds literature, has disappeared from most modern Arab depictions of the site or is denied altogether. Present-day Palestinian collective memory relating to al-Aqṣā and references to its history, as well as polemics directed against Zionism and the State of Israel, often reflect the fear of losing al-Aqṣā. This fear can also be seen in Palestinian literature (such as in the poetry of ʿAbd al-Raḥīm Maḥmūd), in international Islamic writings, and in manifold Web sites. Still, numerous places of worship, religious and cultural associations (including women’s associations), media organisations, and even commercial enterprises, bear the name al-Aqṣā, attesting to its place in popular consciousness. |